Rallies, fact-checks and chaos

1947

NEW YORK (AP) – Nearly a decade into the Trump Era of politics in the United States (US), less than a month from his third Election Day as the Republican candidate for president and there is still remarkably little consensus within the media about how best to cover Donald Trump.

Are reporters “sanewashing” Trump, or are they succumbing to the “banality of crazy?”

Should his rallies be aired at length, or not at all? To fact-check or not fact-check?

“If it wasn’t so serious, I would just be fascinated by all of it,” said Parker Molloy, media critic and author of The Present Age column on Substack. “If it didn’t have to do with who is going to be president, I would watch this and marvel at how difficult it is to cover one person who seems to challenge all of the rules of journalism.”

Books and studies will be written about Trump and the press long after he is gone. He’s always been press-conscious and press-savvy, even as a celebrity builder in Manhattan who took a keen interest in what tabloid gossip columns said about him.

Most issues stem from Trump’s disdain for constraints, his willingness to say the outrageous and provably untrue, and for his fans to believe him instead of those reporting on him.

It has even come full circle, where some experts now think the best way to cover him is to give people a greater opportunity to hear what he said – the opposite of what was once conventional wisdom.

ABOVE & BELOW: Photos show supporters cheering before Republican presidential nominee former president Donald Trump and Trump arriving at the campaign rally at the Santander Arena in Reading, Pennsylvania in the United States. PHOTO: AP
PHOTO: AP
A campaign rally in progress at the Santander Arena in Reading, Pennsylvania, United States. PHOTO: AP

‘Sanewashing’ creates an alternative narrative, some say.

Molloy first used the phrase “sanewashing” this fall to describe a tendency among journalists to launder some of Trump’s wilder or barely coherent statements to make them seem like the cogent pronouncements of a typical politician.

One example she cited: CNN distilling a Trump post on Truth Social that rambled on about the “radical left” and “fake news” into a straight news lead about the former president agreeing to debate his Democratic opponent, Vice President Kamala Harris.

At its best, polishing Trump creates an alternative narrative, she said. At its worst, it’s misinformation.

During a Wisconsin rally the last weekend of September, Trump talked of danger from criminals allowed in the country illegally.

“They will walk into your kitchen, they’ll cut your throat,” he said. The New Republic writer Michael Tomasky was surprised not to find the quote in The New York Times’ and Washington Post’s coverage, although The Times noted that Trump vilified undocumented immigrants, and there were other media references to what Trump himself called a dark speech.

“Trump constantly saying extreme, racist violent stuff can’t always be new,” Tomasky wrote.

“But it is always reality. Is the press justified in ignoring reality just because it isn’t new?”

One likely reason the remark didn’t get that much attention is because Trump – at the same rally – referred to Harris without evidence as “mentally disabled.”

That comment merited quick mention on the ABC and CBS evening newscasts the next day, in the context of criticism from two fellow Republicans, and after stories about Hurricane Helene’s devastation and war in the Middle East.

NBC’s Nightly News didn’t bring it up at all.

In other words, Trump said something wild. What’s new? More than sanewashing, political scientist Brian Klaas calls that the banality of crazy, where journalists become accustomed to things Trump says that would be shocking coming from other candidates simply because they’re numbed to it.

IT’S A HARD FIT FOR A DAILY NEWS CYCLE

Illuminating reporting on Trump rarely fits the model of quick news stories that sum up daily developments.

“This really serves the small group of news consumers that we would call news junkies, who follow the campaign day to day,” said Kelly McBride, senior vice president of the Poynter Institute, a journalism think tank. “But it doesn’t help people decide how to vote, or understand the candidate better.”

Trump critics often complain about how the nation’s leading news outlets cover him. But they sometimes overlook attempts to bring perspective to issues they’re concerned with.

The Times, for example, used a computer to compare his speeches now with older ones in a story on Sunday, and similarly had a September 9 examination of questions about Trump’s age and mental capacity.

The Post has written about how Trump doesn’t mention his father’s Alzheimer’s Disease as he attacks others about mental capacity, and distortions about a cognitive test he took.

The Associated Press wrote of Trump’s Wisconsin rally that he “shifted from topic to topic so quickly that it was hard to keep track of what he meant at times”.

“Trump is a really difficult figure to cover because he challenges news media processes every day, has for years,” The Times’ Maggie Haberman, one of Trump’s best-known chroniclers, told NPR last month. “The systems… were not built to deal with somebody who says things that are not true as often as he does or speaks as incoherently as he often does. I think the media has actually done a good job showing people who he is, what he says, what he does.”

Press critics may instead be frustrated that the work doesn’t have the impact they seek.

“The people who don’t like or are infuriated by him cannot believe his success and would like the press to somehow persuade the people who do like him that they are wrong,” said Tom Rosenstiel, a journalism professor at the University of Maryland. “And the press can’t do that.” – David Bauder